Police and officials operates to socially isolate. The containment of undocumented Latinos to specific sites functions to corral them in ways that maximizes social control. For example, on San Francisco’s Cesar Chavez Street, a corridor where day laborers may be picked up, a group of Latino day laborers told a story of being confronted by the police for littering. Apparently, a local resident had called the police to complain about day laborers littering in the street. The workers received a warning, and though no one was deported as a result of this incident, the threat of deportation was clear, so they left that locale. One day laborer said, “All this for littering. I can be deported for littering?!?” In this instance, the workers were not only confronted with their vulnerability to deportation, but found their ability to secure work undermined by their need to move away from a high-traffic corridor. In San Francisco, the labor pick-up places are monitored and occasionally subject to municipal attempts to move workers to other areas ostensibly to get them off the street (Quesada 2011a: 401). In Berkeley, commensurate with its liberal reputation, the city has signs where day laborers are allowed to stand in search for work. In both cities, the presence of day laborers and places they congregate are well known and constitute the parameters of their movement. Not any paint store or home construction site can be selected by day laborers to seek jobs. Missteps can result in encounters with the police or municipal officials. In another example, a San Francisco resident living across the street where day laborers congregate reportedly took pictures and phoned police of day laborers she found suspicious. This led to frequent police visits in which day laborers were accosted and asked if they were order FCCP feeding the pigeons. The woman’s surveillance provides civil support for state control of Latino workers. Indeed, she represents a wider swath of citizens in the neighborhood that object to day laborers hanging out along this well-known and longestablished day laborer pick-up site (Quesada 2011a). Many residents characterized themselves as being under siege, and in effect conjoin local community concerns to political claims of uncontrollable borders that allow drug cartel “mules” and transnational gang members to enter the country. As a result, the heavy hand of the state is palpable, especially as the undocumented are conflated and categorically lumped with gangs or drug cartels. This lends itself to sweeping, racialized characterizations of all undocumented Latinos as disreputable and ominous threats. Recently, the Secure Communities program has come under fire for some well-publicized excesses, and Jerry Brown, now the Governor of California, has reversed his earlier positionNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptCity Soc (Wash). Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 01.Quesada et al.Pageon the program. California currently allows cities and counties to opt out of participation in Secure Communities. The result is that some cities and counties have opted to participate while others have opted out. This has created a patch quilt of relatively safe and dangerous Carbonyl cyanide 4-(trifluoromethoxy)phenylhydrazone web spaces, making regional movement complicated and uncertain for undocumented day laborers.NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptThe local levelIn San Francisco and Berkeley, undocumented day laborers find themsel.Police and officials operates to socially isolate. The containment of undocumented Latinos to specific sites functions to corral them in ways that maximizes social control. For example, on San Francisco’s Cesar Chavez Street, a corridor where day laborers may be picked up, a group of Latino day laborers told a story of being confronted by the police for littering. Apparently, a local resident had called the police to complain about day laborers littering in the street. The workers received a warning, and though no one was deported as a result of this incident, the threat of deportation was clear, so they left that locale. One day laborer said, “All this for littering. I can be deported for littering?!?” In this instance, the workers were not only confronted with their vulnerability to deportation, but found their ability to secure work undermined by their need to move away from a high-traffic corridor. In San Francisco, the labor pick-up places are monitored and occasionally subject to municipal attempts to move workers to other areas ostensibly to get them off the street (Quesada 2011a: 401). In Berkeley, commensurate with its liberal reputation, the city has signs where day laborers are allowed to stand in search for work. In both cities, the presence of day laborers and places they congregate are well known and constitute the parameters of their movement. Not any paint store or home construction site can be selected by day laborers to seek jobs. Missteps can result in encounters with the police or municipal officials. In another example, a San Francisco resident living across the street where day laborers congregate reportedly took pictures and phoned police of day laborers she found suspicious. This led to frequent police visits in which day laborers were accosted and asked if they were feeding the pigeons. The woman’s surveillance provides civil support for state control of Latino workers. Indeed, she represents a wider swath of citizens in the neighborhood that object to day laborers hanging out along this well-known and longestablished day laborer pick-up site (Quesada 2011a). Many residents characterized themselves as being under siege, and in effect conjoin local community concerns to political claims of uncontrollable borders that allow drug cartel “mules” and transnational gang members to enter the country. As a result, the heavy hand of the state is palpable, especially as the undocumented are conflated and categorically lumped with gangs or drug cartels. This lends itself to sweeping, racialized characterizations of all undocumented Latinos as disreputable and ominous threats. Recently, the Secure Communities program has come under fire for some well-publicized excesses, and Jerry Brown, now the Governor of California, has reversed his earlier positionNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptCity Soc (Wash). Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 01.Quesada et al.Pageon the program. California currently allows cities and counties to opt out of participation in Secure Communities. The result is that some cities and counties have opted to participate while others have opted out. This has created a patch quilt of relatively safe and dangerous spaces, making regional movement complicated and uncertain for undocumented day laborers.NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptThe local levelIn San Francisco and Berkeley, undocumented day laborers find themsel.
